Political Parties in Nigeria Essay

Democracy no doubt is the world’s current new bride. To the extent that everyone – Politicians, Journalists, statesmen and even laymen – call themselves democrats while those who wish to defend a regime no matter its nature call it democracy (Williams 1995:65), one could aptly say the world is in the age of democracy. But as democracy is gaining currency the world over, it need be stated that the Institution of political party constitutes the lubricant of the current democratic wave. This is because, political parties serves as vehicle for expressing myriad of world views held by citizens as well as an instrument to garnering the informed and active participation of the citizens in the political process which constitutes the hallmark of any democratic practice. As noted by Hague and Harrop (1987:141-142), party competition is the hallmark of liberal democracy because it is the device which makes governments responsive to the electorates by providing voters with s ome choice while simultaneously restricting that choice to a few broad alternatives. In other words, the greater the number of parties and / or the latitude of freedom, the more democratic the political system is or becomes while the the more they are conscripted, the lesser the likelihood of a democratic political system. This view was also shared by Anifowoshe (2004: 59) when he noted that the condition of the political parties in a political system is the best possible evidence of the nature of any democratic regime. It must however be stated that while parties constitute the piston in the engine of democracy, the nature and activities of political parties themselves may constitute a stumbling block in the way of democratic growth and sustenance. This has been the paradox of party politics in Africa where the institution has remained largely underdeveloped. Instances abound where activities of parties have been a major factor in the decline of democratic politics or outright termination of democratic administrations and their subsequent replacement by military authoritarian regimes. In this context, the Nigerian state is a reference point. Nigeria became independent in 1960 after years of colonial rule. Independence ushered in a multi party democracy under a Westminster parliamentary model. However, due to a number of circumstances including intra and inter party bickering and, political excesses of parties and their leaders among others, the first democratic republic was truncated in January 1966 following a bloody coup detat championed by the five Majors. The abrupt termination of the first republic also ushered in a thirteen-year long military rule that lasted till October 1, 1979. Nigeria had another taste of multiparty democracy between October 1979 and 31st December 1983. However, like most of the parties of this period themselves, the problems of the first republic reincarnated to mare the democratic processes, culminating in the military coup of December 31st 1983 and the beginning of a second phase of military rule in the country. Indeed, the second phase of military rule in Nigeria which lasted between December 1983 and May 29, 1999 was the most dramatic and traumatic in the history of the country. It was a period mostly characterized by series of coups and counter coups, political maneuverings and above all, endless transition to civil rule programmes or what Diamond et al (1997) has aptly dubbed ‘Transition without End’. But while the political imbroglio of that period cannot be blamed out-rightly on the excesses of political parties and their leaders, the need to avoid such was always advanced as a defensive mechanism for continuous tinkering with the then transition process. For instance, reasons for dissolution of the 13 political associations that first prelude the third republic and their consequent replacement by government created SDP and NRC and, annulment of the June 12, 1993 presidential election that eventually calumniated in the abortion of the third republic were carefully crafted under the need to avoid repeat of mistakes of the past republics. Detailed work on this has been done by scholars and need not be recounted here (See, Diamond et al 1997). However, what must be stressed here is that, Nigeria’s current democratic experience was the end product of a long and tortuous journey through the woods of military autocracy. Although the decade of the 90’s generally was characterized by external pressures for democratization around the world, the resilience and perceptions (rightly or wrongly) by Nigerians that democracy holds prospect for a better life was also a major factor that sustained the struggle. Also, perhaps, in acknowledgment of the sanctity of the party institution to democratic sustenance, the country has continued to operate a â€Å"growing† multiparty democracy since 1999. Thus, from three parties in 1999, it currently has over thirty political parties with prospects of more to be registered. Against this long background, this paper seeks to examine the role of parties in sustaining Nigeria’s democracy. Further to this are: To what extent do Nigerian political parties conform to their expected role in the political system or in sustaining democracy? What are the encumbrances (if any) on their performance in Nigeria? What is / are to be done to place Nigerian political parties on the part of vibrancy vis-à  -vis democratic sustenance? Unraveling these problematic calls for rigorous inquiry. But to start with, situating the role of parties in a universal context is essential. Political Parties and Democracy: Theoretical Framework Political party is one of the genuses of intermediary groups in a political system. Others include interest groups and pressure groups. Thus, the relationship between viable political party and democratic governance is no doubt axiomatic. Political parties are the lubricant of democracy and without which, democracy based on the western model cannot function (Adele 2001:35). This is essentially because it provides a credible means of harnessing the variety of public opinions essential in sustaining a democratic society. While democracy rests on the informed and active participation of the people, political party is a viable tool in this regard. This perspective is shared by political scientists. As Anifowoshe (2004:59) remarked: Democracy exists where the principal leaders of a political system are selected by competitive elections in which the bulk of the population have the opportunity to participate. As a matter of fact, the condition of the parties, in a political system, is the b est possible evidence of the nature of any democratic regime. Implicit in the above statement is that a party’s level of institutionalization, cohesion and social base, determines the extent of its viability and the extent to which it could be said to be performing its functions in a democracy. In other words, viable political parties contribute to democratic growth much as unviable ones may result in democratic regression. Although there are myriad of definitions on what constitutes a political party, yet they all revolve around electioneering and the control of government. For instance, political parties has been conceived as an instrument for contesting elections for the purpose of selecting candidates and party(ies) to exercise political power (Yaqub 2002:122). This definition is in consonance with that which sees political party as an organization, which is principally, absolutely and actively involved, in the electoral process, in a democracy, with the major intent of winning political power and controlling the government (Onuoha 2 003:137). The import of these definitions is that the major goal of political party is to capture and control governmental powers. This it does through participation in electoral process in which it fields candidates to contest for various posts. Yet, it must be stated that while the major goal of a political party is to capture and maintain control over personnel and policies of government, such at times may have to be done in coalition with other party(ies). This is especially the case where electoral victory is not based on ‘first past the post’ system or where a single party could not win the minimum electoral seats necessary for it to constitute a government. However, beyond fielding candidates for elections and controlling governmental apparatuses, political parties also perform other functions which on the one hand set them aside from other organizations such as interest groups and more importantly on the other hand, makes them sine qua non for democratic development. These include; the task of political recruitment and training, education, socialization, breeding consensus, providing alternative world views and political communication among others (see Okoosi-simbine 2004:85-86; Yaqub 2002:112; Aina 2002:10-12, Onuoha 2003:137). It is the extent to which parties are able to discharge these functions that determine the extent of democratic growth in the country. Important in carrying out the above functions is that part ies especially in culturally variegated societies such as Nigeria must eschew those intervening variables that are likely to mar programmes and policies of the party such as salience of ethnic, religious or other sectional interests. Where this is not avoided, the tendency is that a party will find it considerably difficult in harnessing or mobilizing mass support for democratic growth. The emphasis here is that parties are formed not only to promote policies but also to secure social interests. It therefore follows that parties must have broad social bases in order to be able to aggregate interests rather than articulation of specific sectional ones. Also central to democratic growth through the party system is party institutionalization. That is, the process by which parties become established and acquires value and enduring stability (Huttington, 1965:394). Although the extent of party institutionalization varies with party systems the world over, it is usually measured based on some factors such as party age, count of splits and mergers, electoral stability, legislative stability and leadership change (Janda, 1993:167). Of equal importance is party coherence, which has been defined as the degree of congruence in the attitudes and behaviour of party members’ (Janda 1980:118; 1993:173). There is no gainsaying the fact that the degree of coherence among party members bears direct relevance to party strength and stability. This is because a strong and coherent party in terms of membership and structure is usually stronger and coordinated both in articulating view and garnering electoral support than are fragmented one. It is also the factor of coherence that enable parties to effectively discharge the function of National integration which they are expected to perform especially in plural societies. It must be stressed that, while parties in the advanced countries of Europe and America, are observed to have attained the status described above, those in the developing countries tend to be a little far from it. In other words, political parties in the developing countries cannot be ranked on equal scale with those of the advanced countries in terms of viability of the institution. Hence, it could be reasoned that the difference between the two worlds accounts for the different levels of democratic growth between them (e.g. Nigeria and USA). Although Nigeria has returned to democratic practice since 1999, yet there is a growing concern over the sustenance of its democracy. These concerns obviously owe their origin to the nature of political parties and party politics or activities in the country. Issues surrounding this dilemma are examined next but before this, description of the character and general tendencies of current political parties is essential. Roles and Functions of Political Parties From various literature on political party, it is evident that democracy, especially the liberal majoritarian version would be practically impossible without the institution of political party. This no doubt is anchored on the expected roles of political parties in deepening the democratic process. One major role expected of any political party is the task of political recruitment and education. The centrality of this function lie is the fact that it is directly connected with fulfillment of the common aim of all parties. That is, the aim of fielding candidates for election and capturing or exercising political power either singly or in cooperation with other parties (see, Yaqub 2002:164; Ball 1988:73). In other words, in the process of trying to capture political power, political parties serves as a major instrument/platform through which candidates for public offices are recruited at all levels. This is the case in both socialist as well as competitive liberal democracies. According to Ball (198:77), in such political systems where parties are absent (such as in zero party situation) or weak, political elites are usually recruited from traditional elites or through religious and military organizations. However, such sources of recruitment usually have implications for stability of the regime because they lack the more popular base of political parties. In other words, the institution of political party provides an avenue for recruiting politically ambitious persons into the political elite class. In this, we can also accommodate parties’ role as a credible means of political succession. This is because parties would have narrowed down the number of competitors for a particular office to what it considered the best choice at the material time. This process help reduce pressures on the political system as well as streamline citizens choice. In addition, in the process of campaigns for elections, parties inform and educate the public on important s tate policies and actions much as they do while in power. Even for parties out of power, they provide a constant source of critique of government policies which attimes help to change, modify or improve the quality of policies and programmes. Related to the task of recruitment and education is the role of parties as socializing agents. Generally speaking, most conceptions of socialization agreed that it is a process by which individuals incorporate into their own attitudinal and behavioural patterns, the way of their respective social groups and society (Babawale, 1999:218). If this is true, it follows that in the course of preparing candidates for elections, campaigns and other political activities, the individual within the society is acquiring some attitudinal or behavioural patterns necessary to make a politically vibrant individual. In addition, knowledge about political institutions and processes are acquired and internalized by the individual. Perhaps, this informed why political socialization have been conceived as all formal and informal explicitly or nominal political learning at every stage of the life circle that affects political behaviour, such as learning of politically relevant social attitudes and the acq uisition of politically relevant personality characteristics (Greenstein, quoted in Babawale 1999:219). Another major role of political parties in any political system is in the area of serving as link between rulers and the ruled through what is known as political communication. That is, parties provide a means of expression and information flow, both upward and downward, in any political system. Although, the flow of information is crucial to the survival of any political system, the direction of information flow however varies. For instance, in a liberalized multiparty system, there is tendency for information flow to be tilted more in favour of upward flow. This would allow the ruling party to feel the pulse of the populace as well as respond positively to policy demands. But even for parties out of power, it has a tendency to reinforce collective consciousness of party members and strengthen the level of attachment to the party. On the other hand, where there is a single party, the tendency is that information flow will be more from the top to the bottom. For instance, Hague and Harrop (1987: 140) had noted that in Stalin’s Russia, ‘the democratic’ expression of opinion from the grassroots of the Communist Party was negligible compared with the â€Å"centralist† flow of directive from the top. This notwithstanding, what is important is that, irrespective of the strength or direction of information flow, political parties have the onerous role of serving as a two-way communication process between the government and the people. The formulation and implementation of collective goals is yet another major function of parties. This is because in the process of seeking to capture power, they formulate programmes and policies either through conventions, meetings and even manifestoes which they hope to implement while in office. Some of these issues eventually constitute the collective goals of the society. Related to this is the mobilization role of parties. Indeed, parties are known to have been in the vanguard of mobilizing the citizens. This they do through mass rallies and other forms of display of unity that emphasizes identification between the individual and the party. Hague and Harrop (1987:140) noted that, parties have been the prime movers in the revolutionary upheaval of the modern age. They alluded that the enormous transformations of Russia and Chinese societies in the last century were led by vanguard communist parties committed to radical social changes. So also were the nationalist parties of the third world who played critical role in the attainment of independence and the subsequent attempt to weld new nations out of traditional societies (Hague and Harrop 1987:140-141). In the process of developing collective goals, parties also serve as important agents of articulating and aggregating the myriad of groups and individual interests in the society. Although this is not an exclusive function of political parties as it is also performed by interest groups, but parties are able to do this on a wider and / or national scale. Indeed, all parties have social base that cuts across ethnic, religious, occupational and class divides. It thus serves as a platform through which the diverse interest base are articulated and aggregated to form coherent whole. The underlying assumption here is that parties are able to synthesize and reconcile the multitude of competing interests into a broad national value. It must however be stated that this function of political parties, though important, need not be stressed too far. This is because, most often, parties mainly respond to interests and demands that are consistent with their ideology or in line with controlling int erests in the party. In this context, parties are important agencies in determining which interests are represented in politics and which ones are left out. From discussions so far, it is apparent that the relationship between political parties and democratic sustenance is axiomatic. Indeed, the various roles performed by political parties in the political system are expected to strengthen the democratic processes. This demand also implies that political parties and political leaders must in themselves be democratic. What this translates to is that the extent to which individuals within the party and the party organization itself assimilate democratic tenets to a large extent affects the extent to which they are able to discharge the above roles as well as the quality of democratic growth in the political system. In other words, having democrats is precondition for democracy to take root. How these intricacies of party politics and democratic sustenance have played themselves out in Nigeria will be our next focus after a preview of political parties in the country’s current fourth republic. Parties in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic Political parties in Nigeria’s fourth republic emerged against the background of a military managed transition prograamme which began in 1998 and reached its climax on May 29, 1999 when a new civilian administration was ushered in (see Momoh and Thoeveni 2001). Before this experience, Nigeria has had previous democratic republics between 1st October 1960 when it gained political independence from Britain and January 1966 when it was rudely terminated in a military coup; another one was between October 1, 1979 and December 31, 1983 while a third one was not allowed to take root in the early 1990s because it was eventually truncated by its own architect. What is remarkable about all the republics is that, with the exception of the aborted third republic which had only two parties dejure, all others were characterized by multiparty system. Extensive work on previous republics have been done by Coleman (1971); Joseph 1991; Diamond et al 1997; Ujo 2000 and Yaqub 2002). To begin with, parties in Nigeria’s current fourth republic have been characterized by what could be described as a seesaw numerical transition. This was because, at inception of political activities in 1998, several political associations were registered (though provisionally) as political parties but was later prone down to three before the 1999 elections and by 2003, several others came back on the stage. This numerical transition deserves extensive comment. Upon commencement of political activities in 1998, close to fifty political associations sprang up but at the close of nominations, only twenty-four of them had applied for registration with INEC. After thorough scrutiny, only nine of these parties were formally registered (provisional) by INEC according to its guidelines. These are Alliance for Democracy (AD), All Peoples Party (ANPP), Democratic Alliance Movement (DAM), Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Peoples Redemption Party (PRP), United Democratic Party (UDP), United Peoples Party (UPP) and Movement for Democracy and Justice (MDJ). However, the future and continuous existence of these parties was tied to passing the acid test. To continue to exist and function as a political party, a parting was expected to score at least, a minimum of five (initially ten) percent of the total votes in at least 24 states of the federation during the December 1998 local governments elections. Thus, of the nine parties, only the APP and PDP clearly met the criteria having scored at least five percent in over 24 states of the federation each. The AD was third with 5 percent of votes in 14 states of the federation. However, in addition to the APP and PDP, the AD was also registered partly to assuage the south westerners who were still aggrieved by the June 12, 1993 election imbroglio and most importantly, because of provisions of the electoral laws that the third best party would also be registered in the event of only two parties meeting the recruitments. Consequently, based on the modified criterion, the AD, APP and PDP were registered to contest the 1999 general elections. Following increasing pressures for registration of more parties, three other associations, All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA), National Democratic Party (NDP) and United Nigeria Peoples’ Party (UNPP), were registered in June 2002 out of over twenty that applied for registration. The registration of these three parties however heightened agitations by those yet to be registered until they were finally registered later in the year. Those factors that made their registration inevitable included subtle blackmail by other associations seeking registration, fragility and growing intra party deputes among existing parties and above all, the resort to litigation by those not registered among others (see, Anifowoshe 2004: 63) Added to this was increasing factionalisation of existing parties. Indeed, the ruling by the Federal Appeal Court in Abuja, FCT, which favoured the registration of more parties, was a major and perhaps most significant factor that prompted registration of more parties by INEC to the extent that about thirty political parties freely contested the 2003 general elections. It must be stated that, although thirty political parties contested the 2003 general elections, the trio of PDP, ANPP and AD have remained dominant since 1999. While the PPD is currently controlling 27 states (previously 28 before the court order that awarded victory of Anambra state governorship election to the APGA candidate earlier this year), the ANPP has seven states and AD, one state. They all however, have their men in the national parliament, though with varying strength. Also, there has been a growing rate of factionalization, crises of succession and internal bickering within the parties. This is with the consequence that more parties and political association have continued to emerge from them to the extent that Nigeria is currently having about 37 political parties with prospects of more to come. The new bride of parties include the ACD, MRDD, Action Alliance †¦ For instance, the rate of factionalization within the ruling PDP have gone to an extent that several factions have emerged as new parties on their own. This was the case with the MRDD spearheaded by a former national chairman and other prominent members of the party. The same account could be read for the recently formed ACD which from all indications is spearheade by imcubent Vice President Atiku Abubakar. Indeed, the PDP is not alone in the troubled waters of dissent. Even notable members of the AD and ANPP are now either full members of one of the newly registered parties or fraternizing with the intention of becoming one. This was the case with the incumbent protem National Publicity Secretary of ACD, Lai Mohammed, who was hitherto a strong member of the AD. Indeed, in the build up to 2007 general elections, there seem to be general disarray among political parties in the country. While new parties have emerged after 2003 general elections, there is nothing to suggest that more will not spring up before the next 2007 elections. But if the deepening or defense of democracy is a prime factor which politicians have always adduced for the alignment and realignment of forces leading to formation of new parties, to what extent have Nigerian political parties with its increasing numbers satisfied this aspiration? Or better still to what extent have they fulfilled the expected roles of parties in a democracy necessary for deepening the process? This is our prime concern in the next section. Nigerian Parties and Democratic Consolidation Perhaps a good way to access the impact of parties on democratic sustenance is to align our thought in this direction with the expected roles of parties in a democracy. Indeed, Nigerian parties by whatever angle they are looked at are political parties properly so called. At least, to the extent that the common aim, as parties elsewhere, is to capture political power and control machineries of government. By implication therefore, they are practically veritable instruments in the recruitment of political leaders and political elites. In fact, viewed against previous experiences, one would observe an increasing sensitization and political education of Nigerians. However, one must be cautious in stressing this argument too far giving the contradictions inherent in the ways and practices of the parties. This is because, at the facial level, parties may have been recruiting candidates for various elective posts, but beneath we may ask: what is the quality of candidates being recreated? Are the parties democratic in their recruitment process? Obviously, answers to these questions are negative. To anchor this further, we may begin on the premise that to have (or sustain) democracy, first, there must be democrats either as individuals or party organizations. It is obvious that at inception of the current democratic administration in 1999,and with exception of the PDP then which had a consensus candidate in Chief Olusegun Obasonjo, all other two parties were not particularly democratic in selecting their presidential aspirants. For instance, the decision of the A D under the influence of Afenifere, a pan Yoruba socio-cultural organization to select chief Olu Falae as the party’s presidential flagbearer at a meeting held in Ibadan by party elders without allowing proper democratic contest between him and Chief Bola Ige cannot be described as democratic. In fact, the undemocratic nature of what is now the ‘De Rovans Hotel’ episode has been adjudged as a major factor in the crises that has been rocking the party since 1999 (see National Interest June 18 2006:18). So also was the case with the APP between Dr. Olushol Saraki and †¦. The later was eventually selected in a rather spurious manner. Expectedly this action stired controversy within the parties leading to factionalization in the case of the AD and protest votes against the party by Dr Saraki and his supporters in the APP in the 1999 presidential elections. In addition, many of the three parties’ aspirants for other posts were either hand picked or selected in a surreptitious arrangement. Indeed preparations for the 2003 elections witnessed an almost complete disregard of democratic tenets in the process of recruiting candidates for elective offices. Although many of the parties attempted to pick their aspirants, especially presidential nominees, through national conventions, but unfolding events and protests by other aspirants after the conventions smacks of fluidity of the process. The implications of all the above is the increasing factionalization of the parties and rising level of intra party crises. Worrisome as these situations appear, there is nothing yet to suggest advances in democratic direction by the parties even for the 2007 elections. The recent convention of the PDP in which it was resolved (or maneuvered) against the wishes of some other members that its candidates for elections will be by affirmation is a pointer in this direction. Also is the case of the NDP which has already adopted a candidate, Rtd. General Babangida, as its presidential flag bearer for the 2007 election without holding a convention. What we can derive from the above analysis are two fold. First is that a faulty premise cannot produce a sound conclusion. A party whose internal machinery is undemocratic cannot nurture democracy in a larger societal context. Second is that the candidates so recruited have not gone through any democratic training within the party nor tested democratically to ascertain their level of subscription to democratic tenets. In this case, such candidates while in office will likely be intolerant to opposition and above all, perpetuated through undemocratic tendencies. Current unfolding occurrences in the country manifesting in succession crises, third term agenda etc. tend to confirm all the above assertions. In other words, the bottom line remains that, neither Nigerian political parties nor politicians could be regarded as democrats thus cannot effectively and sufficiently contribute to maintaining the system. In terms of political communication and serving as link between the government and the people, Nigerian parties grossly parade a deficit balance in this regard. This is because none of the parties has a functional formal communication channel. The reality is that most of the parties’ structures especially at the grassroots are only vibrant at the approach of elections. After this, they fade away while the party continue to exist only at National and state headquarters. Indeed, the critical ingredients and means of political communication necessary for a vibrant democracy are conspicuously absent in the parties. These include avenues for expression of opinions by citizens, free information flow (upward or downward) among others. These elements help strengthen attachment and loyalty to the party thereby holding prospect for increased political participation. However, Nigerian parties are not forthcoming in this regard. What is apparent is that relations within the parties are mo re of client-patronage relation. Party leaders and elected officers most often become alienated from other party members and even the electorates immediately after election. For the parties in power, the only relation that there from exist between party elites and other members usually is occasional distribution of patronage in order to preserve members support and loyalty while those out of power fizzled away only to re emerge at the approach of another election. For this reasons, harnessing citizens’ initiative or sustaining a vibrant political participation of members becomes difficult with the result of docility in party activities. Indeed, communication is the life wire of any organization the lack of which may result in the organizations eventual death. The party organization and indeed the political system is no exemption in this regard. Perhaps, we can make bold to say that the near zero communication level of Nigerian political parties is a major factor in their inability to institutionalize or funct ion effectively as lubricant of the democratic project. As already noted in this text, parties also play mobilization roles as well as articulate and aggregate the myriad of opinions held by individual and groups within the society. This no doubt facilitates development of collective goals. A careful observation of the Nigerian experience however reveal parties as playing contradictory roles to the above. First, mobilization of citizens has often been limited to periods of electoral campaigns. For Nigerian parties and politicians, election periods are periods to galvanize the people and exhume powerful oratory remarks. The average politician is always willing to visit the nooks and crannies to mobilize and solicit support for the party and candidates. But while this is part of the mobilization function of parties, it need not be confirmed solely to an election period routine. Rather, it is a process that must continue in order to bring out the best from the citizens in terms of input into policies and programmes of the government. But given the psyche of the Nigerian politician and their end-means orientation of politics which is to acquire political power in order to secure economic resources, citizen contribution / input into policies and programmes is of inconsequential effect. This crave for economic security at whatever cost by the political elites could therefore be adduced as a contributing factor to continued non alignment of policies with realities confronting the Nigerian electorates. Another dimension of the faulty mobilization function of parties in Nigeria is that even where they, as elsewhere, have wider social base of support, political maneuverings often create a situation whereby parties resort to politics of ethnic and/or religious mobilization. Indeed, mobilization politics along the lines of ethnic, religious or some other forms of cleavages have been a major character of party politics since independence. For instance most parties of the first republic used divisive mobilization politics to garner electoral support. So also were parties of the second republic. With the exception of AD which is rooted in the south west and maintains affinity with Afenifere, a socio cultural organization in the region, all other parties of the current era could not be said to have their support base restricted to a particular region. However, in the process of electioneering campaigns, many members wittingly or unwittingly often whip ethno-religious sentiments as strategies to mobilize support. Consequently in the prelude to the 2003 general elections, the mood of many Nigerians was that, Religion will play a prominent role in their choice of leaders†¦. Muslim- Christian rivalry was so intense that none of the 30 political parties in the country has managed to develop a firmly national support base. Muslims consider Obasanjo’s ruling peoples Democratic Party (PDP) as a Christian party. The all Nigerian peoples party (ANPP) of his nearest rival, Muhammad Buhari is considered by Christians to be a Muslim party (Marahatha Christian Journal, 2003). The emphasis therefore is that, where mobilization is carried on, on a faulty premise, it becomes extremely difficult to articulate and aggregate programmes and policies that serves the national interest. In this context, programmes and policies often articulated are those that are in consistent with that of the dominant interests within the party, be it socio, cultural or economic. In terms of political socialization, it may be argued that there is a tendency for negative socialization among Nigerian political parties. Socialization, conceived in terms of the process by which the individuals incorporate the ways of their respective social groups and society into their individual patterns and behaviour, is expected to be facilitated by political parties through campaigns, rallies and other political activities. In Nigeria, however, this has a negative content arising from series of violence and atmosphere of insecurity that often mare electoral processes in Nigeria. Nigerian parties and politician alike have a penchant for recruiting and making use of political thugs mostly recruited among motor garage boys, unemployed Youths and even Students at moments of campaigns and elections. Such behaviours and orientations which are antithetical to civic culture obviously are imbibed by younger generations. The consequence is that this erodes democratic senses of bargaining and compromise and instead creates the impression that force and crude militancy are the best ways to live and achieve political goals. The negative impacts of the socialization process is already being exhibited at other levels of politics below the state such unionism, especially student unionism. Indeed, student unionism at the tertiary level is expected to evince civic and enlightened qualities by virtue of the place of tertiary institutions in the country. However, a common observable trend in most tertiary institutions in Nigeria is that campus politics has often time been characterized by intolerance, maneuverings, money politics and a host of other negative traits exhibited by Nigerian political parties to the extent that institutions authorities may at times impose sanctions or outright ban on campus political activities. Situations like this no doubt have implications for their future political engagements and by extension, democratic growth in Nigeria. Our endeavour so for has been to trace whether there is an alignment between the expected roles and functions of political parties in sustaining democratic process and the activities of political parties in Nigeria. For one, while the role of parties in democratic sustenance is in controvertible, the Nigerian political parties have not been seen playing these roles. Why is this so is our focus next. Observed Weaknesses of parties in Nigeria From discussions so far, it can be gleaned that the indispensability of political parties to democratic sustenance is not in doubt. What is perhaps worrisome is the ability of Nigerian political parties to function effectively as catalyst for democratic growth. Gleaned from a number of observable trends, some factors serve to explain this unfortunate mess. First we may note ideological emptiness of the parties. Conceived as a set of coherent ideas which guide and tailor behaviour, ideology is expected to fire and sustain inspirations of party members. According to Scruton (quoted in Okoosi-Simbine, 2005:24), parties ideology are moral systems that enshrine the sanctity of contract and promise between them and the electorate because they constitute the political doctrine from which a programme of political action emanates and upon which basis citizens choose how they will like to be ruled. Essentially therefore, parties as organizations with diverse social base must be bounded by such set of common beliefs and ideas in order to help propel a vibrant democratic society. Unfortunately, Nigerian parties and politicians are merely playing survival game. Prime to them from observable trend is the desire to capture and maintain political power irrespective of what this takes. Consequently, this drive to capture power by all means possible tends to erode the performance of other functions necessary for democratic growth. The lack of ideology also serves as conduit for series of political vagrancies that characterized the political terrain. As observed by Aina (2002:19), Nigerian poiticians behave like political bats, changing affiliation in response to perceived fortunes or electoral advantage. Akin to the issue of ideology is what we may refer to as poorly digested manifesto of the parties. The manifesto is basis upon which contract between the rulers and citizens are sealed because it is the representation and/or expression of the political party’s direction, purpose and how it hopes to achieve them while in government (Onuoha 2003:141). It is the party’s statement of intention about how it hopes to achieve good governance. It is therefore the basis upon which performance of an incumbent government can be assessed and balanced against the need for change. Unfortunately, manifestoes of Nigerian political parties have proved to be manifestations of emptiness, similar in content and providing no choice for the citizens. The only difference between them as observed by Okoosi-Simbine (2005:22) is the emphasis they give to the programmes articulated or in a few cases, the strategies for carrying out the objectives. In other words, their manifestoes are more a replica of the other. Again, this close similarity in manifestoes can be hinged on their inability to develop a coherent ideology. As onu0oha (2003:145) rightly observed, any meaningful and functional manifesto must spring from a profound party ideology. Thus, a manifesto without a party ideology is like a body without a soul. In this context, rather than lubri cate democracy, parties constitute more of a burden on democratic practice. Prevalence of primordial sentiment may equaled be adduced as responsible for the inability of Nigerian parties to respond positively to the challenges of democratic sustenance. Indeed, the ability of a party to effectively perform its role especially in multi cultural settings is usually circumscribed by the socio-economic structure of the society. Therefore, since parties are institutions competing for spheres of influence in the socio-economic and political configuration of the society, there is every tendency that there activities will be likely be intertwined with prevalent socio-political sentiments of the society (Suleiman and Muhammad 2006). This is suggestive of current Nigerian parties. Indeed, post independent Nigeria has witnessed party’s base being deeply rooted in ethno-regional and religious sentiments to the extent that the major parties of the first republic (AG, NPC and NCNC) and their second republic successors (especially NPN, NPP and UPN) are often regarded as ethnic pressure groups. While parties of the current fourth republic may not be so deeply rooted in a particular region, nonetheless, the continuous use, overtly or covertly , of ethnic and religious sentiments in party politics reinforces social divisions among the populace which in turn weakens party structure and organization. Needless to stress that, a weak party in terms of internal structure cannot function optimally in deepening the democratic process. We can also speak of poor financial standing of the parties which made them susceptible to hijack by money barons who eventually use them to achieve personal benefits. Politics generally is an expensive activity and the role of money in contemporary Nigerian politics is indeed overwhelming. Although the government, through INEC, is currently financing the parties, but considering the spending pattern of the parties, government finance is generally considered insufficient. Consequently, additional funds are sourced through party financiers that include influential business men, party members in government and so on. For instance, the Plateau state governor, Joshua Dariye, sometime ago claimed he gave the PDP part of the 1.6 billion naira ecological fund he was accused of mismanaging. Similarly, only recently the ANPP caretaker committee chairman and gover nor of Bornu state directed all the seven governors on the platform of the party to contribute 20 million Naira each to the party’s purse within two weeks while all presidential aspirants and senators were to contribute 10 million Naira each towards the administration of the party (The Punch Editorial, †¦June, 2006:16). The implication of this is that Nigerian parties will likely for long be hijacked by money barons who will eventually constitute godfathers within the parties. Second is that credible aspirants who cannot afford to pay the huge sums would have to forget or submerge it while thirdly, internal party democracy becomes jeopardized. The resulting effect of all these is that parties becomes constrained as popular organizations capable of being the vanguard of democratic growth. Rather, they become characterized by frequent conflict and internal party squabbles. Also as a fall out of the above circumstances, programmes and policies that are often articulated and implemented reflect more of the interests of the so-called godfathers rather than that of the formal party organization. Thus, as the International IDEA (2006:8) have noted, given this context, Nigerian party life is characterized by a very low level of debate on policy options. Another observed weakness of Nigerian political partie s is the absence of political education. It is a common fact that Nigerian political parties have not been carrying out programmes aimed at enlightening the populace and even party members. This is because the party organization has been confined to mere instrument of contesting elections. Thus after elections, most of the parties become docile both in terms of recruiting new members and organizing activities to enlighten citizens about the political process. According to the country report on Nigeria by the international IDEA (2006:8), all the parties surveyed do agree that their members are active only during elections. The import of this is that once elections are over, only very few things link the party with its members thus, the expected role of political communication and education wanes out. We may also note the long years of military rule as another factor for the nonperformance of Nigerian political parties. Indeed, Nigeria’s long reign of military rule from 1966 to 1999, except for the brief period of 1979 to 1983, have affected the psyche of the average Nigerian politician. Military rule as it were is undemocratic. But its long reign in Nigeria with all its undemocratic tendencies have walked its way into the subliminal consciousness of most Nigerian. Thus, even though the military is out of power and democracy in place, the legacy of authoritarian tendencies still permeates the orientations and behaviours of the political class. The implications of this are that Nigeria currently has a short supply of tested democrats while democratic institutions remain large underdeveloped. In other words, while the success of any democratic experiment is predicated on the availability of individuals who are democrats in themselves, Nigeria’s long years of military tutelage has done no less than wipe out the last vestiges of democratic qualities among Nigerian politicians. Conclusion So far in this work we have tried to examine the link between political parties and democratic sustenance in Nigeria. It is observed that the institution of political party is indispensable if democracy is to be strengthened. This is by virtue of the various functions they perform which transcend the mere activity of fielding candidates for elections. However, the Nigerian situation is observed to be a deviation from the norm. if anything, Nigerian parties have not only failed in discharging these roles, but are equally working in the direction of democratic regression. In the main, the poor financial base of these parties, lacks of institutionalization, empty ideological content among others are part of their major constraints. Against this background, it is suggested that the government should improve on its funding of these parties in order to avoid their hijack by selfish money barons. Equally, the INEC should put in place mechanisms that would ensure these parties are internally democratic. Internal democracy of the parties no doubt will magnify into useful premise for democracy to thrive in the larger Nigerian society. Above all, there must be the political will by politicians themselves to allow democratic tenets to take root in the country. The above, it is believe are good recipe for democratic sustenance in Nigeria. References Anifowoshe, Remi (2004), ‘Political Parties and Party System in the Fourth Republic of Nigeria: Issues, Problems and Prospects’ in Olurode, Lai and Anifowoshe, Remi (eds.) Issues in Nigeria’s 1999 General Elections. Lagos, Nigeria: John West Publications Limited and Rebonik Publications Ltd, pp. 55-78. Diamond, Larry, Kirk-Greene, Anthony H.M and Oyediran, Oyeleye (eds.). Transition without End: Nigeria Politics and Civil Society under Babangida. Ibadan, Nigeria: Vantage Publishers. Babawale, Tunde(1999),’Political Culture and Political Socialization’ in Remi, Anifowoshe and Emenuo, Francis (eds.) Elements of Politics. Lagos, Nigeria: Sam Iwanusi Publications. Pp. 210-225. Ball, Alan (1988), Modern Politics and Government 4th Edition. London: Macmillan Press Coleman, J.S (1971) Nigeria: Background to Nationalism. Berkeley: University of California Press. Hague, Rod and Harrop, Martin (1987), Comparative Government and Politics: An Introduction. 2nd Edition. Basingstoke and London: Macmillan Education Ltd. International IDEA (2006), Nigeria: Country Report Based on Research and Dialogue with Political Parties. Stockholm, Sweden. Janda, Keneath (1993) ‘Comparative Political Parties: Research and Theory’ in Finifter, Ada, W (ed.) Political Science: The State of the Discipline II. Washinton DC: American Political Science Association. Pp.163-191. Joseph, Richard (1991), Prebendal politics in Nigeria: The Rise and Fall of the Second Republic. Ibadan: UPL Marahatha Christian Journal Online (2003), Religion is Likely to determine Nigeria’s Election. URL: http://www.mcjonline.com/news. Retrieved August 15 2005 Momoh, Abubakar and Thovoethin, Paul-Sewa (2001), An Overview of the 1998 – 1999 Democratisation Process in Nigeria. DPMN Bulletin Online: http://www.dpmf.org (Retrieved January 4 2006) Okoosi-Simbine, Anthony (2005), ‘Political Vagrancy and Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria’ in Momoh, Abubakar and Godwin, Onu (eds.) Elections and Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria. Nigeria: Nigerian Political Science Association pp 17 – 33 Onuoha, Browne (2003), ‘Political Parties and Elections: A Critical Review of Party Manifestoes’ in New Era Foundation, The Grassroots and Political Change in Nigeria. Lagos: Joe – Tolalu Associates pp 137 – 152 Suleiman, A. and Muhammad, A. A. (2006), ‘Religion, Party politics and Democracy: Implications of Religion in Nigeria’s 2003 Presidential Election’ Journal of Development. Vol. 2 no 1 (Forth coming) Ujo, Abdulhamid (2000), Understanding Political Parties in Nigeria. Kaduna: klamidas Publishers Williams, Adebayo (1995) ‘The Fictionalization of Democratic Struggles in Africa: The Nigerian Experience’ in Olowu, Dele; Soremekun, Kayode and Williams, Adebayo (eds.) Governance and Democratization in Nigeria. Ibadan, Nigeria: Spectrum Books Ltd. Pp. 65-67. Yaqub, Nuhu (2002), ‘Political Parties in the Transition Process’ in Onuoha, Browne and Fadakinte, M. M. (eds.), Transition Politics in Nigeria, 1970 – 1999. London: Malthouse Press limited pp 118 – 134

Bacterial Transformation Using pGLO Involving X and Y Genes

Genetic transformation is due to a direct cause in the change by genes, due to the cell in taking and expressing traits from a separate piece of DNA. Naturally proficient bacteria are able to absorb exogenous DNA and go through genetic transformation. (Chen & Dubnau, 2004) The purpose of this experiment was to discover how a gene could be moved from one organism to a different organism with the help of plasmid. The cells that are capable of acquiring these traits from the other organism are known as being competent.Weedman, 2013). In this particular experiment we will genetically transform the bacteria E. coli by inserting a gene through heat shock, this gene codes for Green Fluorescent Protein, also known at GFP. The GFP gene originally comes from a Jellyfish and under an ultraviolet light the bacteria that acquired the gene with glow a brilliant fluorescent green color. (Portman et al. 2013). If the cells' nutrient medium has the sugar arabinose added to it then GFP can be turned o n. (Weedman, 2013). To determine if our hypothesis was correct, we used four differently prepared plates.The four plates each contained a different combination of the following; arabinose, ampicillin, LB nutrient broth, and pGLO plasmid. The combinations were; +pGLO LB/amp, +pGLO LB/amp/ara, -pGLO LB/amp, and -pGLO LB. Our hypothesis was: the plates with pGLO will have growth because they are resistant to the antibiotics involved, the plate with ampicillin and without pGLO will show no growth due to the fact that the antibiotic compromises the bacteria, and the plates that will grow will be the ones containing pGLO since they obtain the trait for glowing.Materials and Methods: All methods were obtained from (Weedman, 2013) Before beginning the experiment obtain latex gloves, two microcentrifuge tubes, a beaker filled with ice, a micropipetter, micropipetter tips, transformation solution containing calcium chloride, sterile loops, pGLO, E. coli, and four plates containing different s ubstances. To begin label the two microcentrifuge tubes +pGLO and – pGLO. Then proceed to obtain 250ul of transformation solution and put it in each one of the tubes using a different miropipetter tip each time, this solution will help enhance the permeability of the cell membranes.Then use a sterile loop to acquire single colony of E. coli to add to the tube labeled +pGLO; add this by twisting the sterile loop until the pGLO is off. Then repeat the last step for the -pGLO tube using a new sterile loop. Next add pGLO to the tube labeled +pGLO, to do this take a new sterile loop and inserted it into a vile containing the plasmid pGLO. Then twist the loop into the tube labeled +pGLO, then place both tubes into the beaker filled with ice for approximately 10 minutes. While the tubes are on ice grab the four LB (Luria Bertani broth) nutrient agar plates.Each plate should be labeled either +pGLO or – GLO; you should nave 1 LB/amp/ara plate (+pGLO), 1 LB plate (-pGLO 2 LB/am p plates (+pGLO)(-pGLO). After 10 minutes in the ice bath place the tubes in a floating rack and put them in a 420C water bath for exactly 50 seconds, giving them a heat shock. Immediately place both tubes back in the ice after the water bath for approximately 2 minutes. Once 2 minutes is up remove the tubes from the ice and put them in the rack at room temperature. Using a new tip each time, add 250ul of nutrient broth to both tubes. Then close the tubes and let them sit at room temperature for 10 minutes.After 10 minutes flick both tubes with your fingers to ix the contents, then using a fresh tip each time add 100ul of the transformation solution (+pGLO) and the control (-pGLO) to their appropriately labeled plates. Using a new sterile loop each time spread the contents around in each dish. Then tape the plates together and placed them upside-down in an incubator set at 370 C for 24 hours. Results: This experiment shows how a gene can be transferred from one organism to a differe nt organism through the help of plasmid. Traits are exchanged from one DNA stand toa different one in the bacteria E. coli.Two of the plates were a control group, hich meant there was no growth after the plates were taken out of the incubator. These two control plates were the ones containing -pGLO LB/amp and -pGLO LB. The transformation plates were the two plates containing +pGLO LB/amp and +pGLO LB/ amp/ara. These two plates showed a substantial growth in bacteria after being taken out of the incubator, one plate showing a considerably larger growth than the other and they both glowed under UV light due to the pGLO. The plate that obtained the arabinose had the largest amount of growth over the 24-hour period. http://mol-bi014masters. masters. grkraJ. g/html/Genetic_Engineering4A- Transformation-Bacterial Cells. htm http://faculty. clintoncc. suny. edu/faculty/michael. gregory/files/bio%20101 [bio %20101 %201aboratory/bacterial%20transformation/results. htm Discussion: Our hypothe sis was: the plates with pGLO will have growth because they are glowing. Our results supported our hypothesis, the plates that showed growth were the plates containing +pGLO LB/amp and +pGLO LB/amp/ara. Where as the other two plates showed no growth at all, which matched our hypothesis. Michael Gregory did a previous experiment; he came to the same conclusion that our experiments' results oncluded.His experiment was identical to ours, involving the same materials and procedure. The same plates showed growth in his experiment as ours, as well as the plates that didn't show growth were the same. (Gregory, 2004). The only weakness that I could think of that would have a major effect on the results would be not using sterile equipment and causing cross contamination. Our experiments did not have any problems arise that would affect the results we obtained.

University of Southern California Summer Programs for High Schoolers

Many high schoolers (and parents!) think that a part-time job is the best way for teenagers to spend their summers. However, summer programs designed specifically for high school students can provide benefits that they can’t get from a traditional part-time job. Summer programs are a great way for high school students to develop their interests and learn more about college and potential career paths. Plus, participating in a summer program can make a student’s application stronger by senior year. Many of these programs are short, usually one or two weeks, and can be done alongside part-time jobs or volunteer opportunities, so teenagers don’t have to choose one over the other. The University of Southern California knows how valuable summer programs can be for high school students, and that’s why we’ve dedicated an entire post to the programs available at USC. You’ll find that many of these programs offer college credit in addition to the benefits we’ll outline below. We’re giving parents a quick look at the USC summer programs to help you figure out which program will work best given your student’s goals and interests. Summer programs for high school students are about more than having fun (although there’s plenty of that too!). One of the main benefits of summer program is that they allow high school students to specialize in an area of interest without the distraction of other schoolwork or constraints. They provide an inside look into an industry that most students wouldn’t be able to get in a traditional class setting, and expand students’ awareness of opportunities in that field. Many summer programs are at colleges and universities, which provide an additional bonus of helping students get a feel for campus life. Not only that, these programs often provide high school students with hard-to-find resources which can be invaluable to them as they prepare to apply to college, such as specialized learning communities or even scholarships. Again, there’s no need to choose between working over the summer and doing a summer program. Colleges like USC offer programs at a variety of lengths, so that you can choose the program that allows your student to balance work and family obligations while pursuing their interests. College admissions officers care about students’ extracurricular activities and often consider them not only for admissions but for awarding merit scholarships. They want to see that students pursued their interests outside of the classroom and took advantage of any resources available to them. Summer programs are more interesting to admissions counselors than other types of extracurriculars because fewer students participate in them, and the experiences can be valuable material for an admission essay. This is especially true when the summer program is held at a top school like USC. Perhaps the greatest advantage of attending a summer program at a college is the chance to connect with current students and faculty. One of our top recommendations for helping students get into their dream school is to connect with students who were successfully admitted to that school, and summer programs make that a much easier process for high school students. By attending a program at USC, high school students get to know current USC students and can get the inside scoop about what it’s really like to get in and attend. Our Early Advising Program helps students in 9th and 10th grade discover their passions and build strong academic and extracurricular profiles to succeed in high school. USC has two different options for summer programs: a 4-week credit program and a 2-week non-credit program. The more common one is the 4-week credit program, where students will earn an elective college credit. However, for students who need more flexibility, USC offers 2-week non-credit programs in some of their popular subjects. All of these programs, credit or non-credit, can strengthen your student’s application and help them refine their career interests. We encourage you to choose the one that best suits your student’s goals. These program costs are all approximate. There may be differences in cost based on whether a student stays on-campus or decides to commute, is a California resident or not, or if there are scholarships available. Students explore a career in architecture during this 4-week program. Students will take field trips to renowned architectural sites, learn the fundamentals of architecture, and get insight into what a compelling architecture portfolio entails. Learn more about the Exploration of Architecture Program . Students delve into entrepreneurship during this 4-week program. Students will have the chance to hear from entrepreneurs, take field trips to meet with ventures and startup firms, and apply their skills to develop their own business. Learn more about the Exploring Entrepreneurship Program . Students learn marketing, operations, and finance during this 4-week program. Students will get an overview of all the major departments in a business, including marketing, finance, ethics, and management. Learn more about the Introduction to Business Program . Students explore prototyping technologies during this 4-week program. Students will learn the fundamentals of 3D design and apply their skills to create their own 3D prototypes. Learn more about the 3D Design and Prototyping Program . Students design, build, and test during hands-on activities in this 4-week program. Students will explore the different engineering disciplines through classroom activities and group projects. Learn more about the Discover Engineering Program . Create your own video game through hands-on activities in this 4-week program. Students will create original games, playtest games in production, and learn about the technology used to design video games. Learn more about the Introduction to Video Game Design Program . Students develop electronic and digital prototypes during hands-on activities in this 4-week program. This unique experience blends engineering and entrepreneurship to help students invent a valuable product. Learn more about the Technology Innovation Experience Program . Students discover approaches to preventing disease in diverse communities worldwide in this 4-week program. This program is perfect for students interested in medicine, public health, anthropology, international relations, international business, law and social justice. Learn more about the Global Health Trends and Challenges Program . Students explore approaches to conflict resolution in this 4-week program. This program is perfect for students interested in diplomacy or understanding why conflicts emerge in the first place. Learn more about the International Relations Program . Students write stories about real people and issues in Los Angeles in this 4-week program. They will get to explore online reporting, blogging, and multimedia technology. Learn more about the News Reporting in the Digital Age Program . Students explore multi-platform sports journalism in this 4-week program. This program combines hands-on learning assignments with field trips and state-of-the-art in-studio production. Learn more about the Sports Journalism: Multi-Platform Storytelling Program . Students explore normal brain development in this 4-week program. They’ll participate in labs to learn about how we think and express ourselves and develop a final course project. Learn more about The Brain: Introduction to Neuroscience Program . Students get to shadow physicians in this 4-week program. Perfect for the student who wants to become a doctor, students will hear from a variety of medical professionals and even learn the basics of suturing. Learn more about the Future Physicians Program . Students explore the field of mental health in this 4-week program. They’ll review case studies, take a field trip to the Self-Realization Fellowship Lake Shrine, and develop a final project with their peers. Learn more about the My Mind & Me: Introduction to Mental Health Program . Students delve into the fascinating world of psychology in this 4-week program. They’ll learn about meditation, take personality tests, and go on field trips to various shelters and labs. Learn more about the Psychological Science and Society Program . Students critically examine the criminal justice system in this 4-week program. They will meet with lawyers and activists, attend criminal court proceedings, and explore different career opportunities in criminal justice. Learn more about the    Exploring Criminal Justice Program . Students participate in legal analysis and writing in this 4-week program. They’ll get an inside look into the U.S. Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals and learn how to prepare for law school. Learn more about the Legal Reasoning and Argumentation Program . Students build a strong foundation in acting during this 4-week program. They will learn in a conservatory-style environment from theatre professionals, attend professional theatre productions, and rehearse and perform workshop productions. Learn more about the Acting Intensive Program . Students work with comedy professionals in this 4-week program. They will participate in a conservatory-style environment with a strong emphasis on improv, sketch, standup, and industry-focused master classes. Learn more about the Comedy Performance Program . Students will enhance their ability to bring a story to life in this 4-week program. They’ll participate in acting, singing, and dance classes and take field trips to see professional theatre in Los Angeles. Learn more about the Musical Theatre Program . Students will experience the collaborative environment of a writing workshop. They will learn about the variety of creative writing formats, including poetry, short stories, and nonfiction, and even work on developing a compelling admissions essay. Learn more about the Creative Writing Workshop Program . Students explore pressing moral questions in this 4-week program. They will learn university-level argumentation and critical thinking, participate in respectful debates, and hear from leaders in business and technology. Learn more about the Ethics in the 21st Century: Business, Politics, & Technology Program . Students explore a career in architecture in this 2-week program. Students will learn the fundamentals of architecture and get insight into what a compelling architecture portfolio includes concurrently with the 4-week credit program. Learn more about the Exploration of Architecture 2-Week Program . Students receive an introduction to kinesiology and movement science in this 2-week program. They learn about career options in kinesiology, hear from experts in the field and participate in labs to deepen their understanding. Learn more about the Kinesiology 2-Week Program . As you can see, there are plenty of opportunities for students to learn more about different industries and experience college firsthand. If your student missed a deadline, you can always plan for next summer. In the meantime, there are plenty of other activities that students can participate in over the summer to stay engaged, including getting involved in community organizations, volunteer service, and working. You can find more ideas for giving your student a productive summer in our post Summer Activities to Strengthen your College Applications . It can be hard to find summer programs that will interest your student and work for both your schedules. That’s why ’s Mentorship Program helps students identify activities to refine their interests and strengthen their portfolios. Find out if our Mentorship Program is right for you!

Criminal Law 205 Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Criminal Law 205 - Essay Example Thus, the defence behind the organised crime practice has played a significant role in enlightening the people about the crime that is in the streets. It has also been the avenue to reducing the crime by bringing to light the criminals that caught in the act and put them behind bars. In this regard, it is important to appreciate RICO and thus maintain it within this firm even under minimal chance. The society today has an outcry due to the constant increase of the organised crime. There are many cases of white collar crimes that are going on every new day. The main purpose for the defence teams in the legal firms is to ensure justice and eradicate such criminal activities in the society. Thus, is the role of RICO today in the legal firms. RICO defence practice pulls out the white collar crimes and the organised criminal activities that are affecting the well being of the nations. The RICO act was started so as to pin down all people involved in any organised crime. It was not to punish the defendants, but mainly to reduce the rate of the organised crimes in the society. RICO has since been used as a channel, to prosecute all people who violate federal regulations. Before RICO was started, there were many crimes that were not noted by the federal government. However, once RICO came into play, the number of crimes charged increase. Some of the white collar crimes noted includes the illegal drug usage and corruption amongst other white collar crimes. Through RICO, all the defendants found guilty get a sentence that equivalent tot he crime a person has committed. From the time RICO came into practice, the changes that have been made in the legal chambers are evident in the society. In the past, the federal government could not realize most of the white collar crimes that were taking place behind the scenes especially the criminal activities that were done in offices. All people practicing fraud and stealing public funds in

The Research Report for the Teenagers' View on Sex Essay

The Research Report for the Teenagers' View on Sex - Essay Example Research question: The fundamental research questions guiding this study are: "What are the essential views of a teenager regarding sex" "What do such views of a teenager signify with regard to his particular life stage" Aims of study: The focal point of the study has been an investigation on a teenager's views on sex. The study also covers an analysis of the various developmental needs of a teenager, especially relating to his sexual needs. The study also investigates the characteristics of a teenager's life as suggested primarily by his views on sex. This reflective analysis of the attitudes of teenagers on the question of sex calls for a mixed methodology incorporating both qualitative and quantitative research, aiming at establishing the fundamental views of teenagers. Literature review provides another most essential tool for the investigative purposes. The scope for an extensive sampling and data collection is limited in this sort study. Therefore, the main focus will be a discussion on the topic with regard to the review of literature. Sex has been one of the subtlest issues of discussion among the teenagers, and the lack of proper sex education among teenagers is evident in several cases. The distorted and disinterested attitudes of the adults and teachers regarding sex education of the teenagers are especially reflected in their understanding of sex. Through seminal researches and interviews with teenagers, found that "most of the teenagers had never had a single serious, factual discussion about sex with any adult, including parents." (Adelman 1992. P. 15). According to him, the basic issue with regard to teenager's attitudes of sex has been the result of the lack of sex education and the prevailing traditional views on sex. "The results of poor education, ignorance, and conservative ideas about sexuality have been appalling." (Adelman 1992. P. 15). It is obvious fact to every parent that the teenage years are all but an easy time. There are several issues concerning teenagers which become the hallmarks of ever y family's discussions and they include dating, driving, and drinking etc. The 'do's and don'ts' of proper behaviour as well as decorum lie beneath a teenager's every move. "Parents fret that they have not done enough to ensure their child's growth and success; teachers worry that they are not preparing their students for their next grade or career move; and teenagers agonize over every step because, for them, every step is their first step." (Kaplan 1999. P. Xviii). Sexual perceptions of the teenagers are the central factor which indicates the developments of the individuals through adolescence. It is of paramount consideration that young people, by the time they reach adolescence, have acquired sexual attitudes, values, and behaviours, and they are picked up by the stereotypes of gender. A teenage girl tends to believe that she needs to fit in with what their sexual counterparts require in the way of feminine image, and, thus, she considers romancing and being in love are significant to her life. Similarly, teenage boys take on a competitive masculine style and they consider risk taking as part of 'being man'. In their teenage

Renewable Wind Power Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Renewable Wind Power - Research Paper Example A wind turbine is a device that converts kinetic energy of wind into mechanical energy. When mechanical energy is put to use directly in some equipment such as grinding stones or a pump, it is called a windmill. Instead, when it is converted to electricity for further use, the device is known as wind turbine or wind generator. Wind turbines are mounted at high elevation so as to receive a constant flow of wind power at higher average velocity. Usually, wind turbines need an average speed of 35 kilometer/hour or 11 meters/second. Wind velocity mapping is done before selecting a place for wind turbine. Higher the wind speeds, more are the chances to get continuous flow of electricity (Whitburn, 2012). As terminology implies, 1- kW rated capacity wind turbine would generate theoretically maximum of 1 kW of power per hour, if continuous flow of wind with the average wind velocity is available at all the time; however, in all practical purposes it does not happen so because wind energy is intermittent. In the long run, wind turbines are found to generate electricity only at 10-40% of their rated capacity. This means that wind turbine with the rated capacity of 1 kW would generate between 2.4 kWh (1Ãâ€" 24Ãâ€" 0.10) and 9.6 kWh of power per day (1Ãâ€"24Ãâ€" 0.40) (Whitburn, 2012). Wind turbines can be segregated on the basis of horizontal- and vertical-axis turbines. Horizontal-axis turbines have tail fins that keep blades facing the wind. A constant flow of wind keeps turning the rotor blades of the turbine, which is connected to the generator through a rotating shaft and gear-wheel assembly. The power so generated is called Direct Current (DC) and needs to be converted to Alternating Current (AC) for its use as all devices for home use are usually designed based on AC current. The conversion from DC to AC is done through a device called inverter. Inverter is connected to a battery bank that is a store house of electricity produced in this way because wind energy is available intermittently while electricity demand is continuous. When no sufficient wind energy is available, electricity production comes to a standstill; however, the need of end users are met through the stored energy in the pool of battery (Whitburn, 2012). The following schematic shows the st eps involved in the production of wind power. Source: http://exploringgreentechnology.com/wind-energy/how-does-wind-energy-work/ How Wind Energy Can Save Money Companies can save a huge amount of money if they use this renewable source of energy. Subsidies that are available at Federal and State levels give extra cushioning; technological advances and scale of operations have changed the scenario in clear terms. Subsidies Available on Wind Energy The production tax credit (PTC) is the subsidy available to the producers of wind power and that, currently, rules at 2cents/kWh (zFacts, 2011). Most of the wind generators have qualified for this and they will receive it for 10 years. Moreover, double declining 5-year depreciation is the second benefit that companies get on investment toward wind power. This allows investor to take a 40% tax deduction on the very first year and 24% deduction on the second year. It is allowed to be completed in five years. The combined federal-sales tax rat e is around 43% and in that sense the depreciation allowance is lucrative enough and in terms of benefits, it accounts for half a cent/kWh (zFacts, 2011). Though wind produces electricity free of operating cost, it requires still huge investment toward the cost of equipment and installation

The International Grocery Industry Term Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1750 words

The International Grocery Industry - Term Paper Example In every economy, there has to be a government that makes up laws that definitely affect the way an entity sets its way of business. The legal entity is concerned in setting marketing standards like prices, distribution strategies of particular goods, how to treat employees and sometimes where to set up a market or an enterprise. The legal sector can either reduce or increase the competitive nature of a company. The British government has set strict rules on how different entities can deal with food and drinks products which highly affects the Tesco supermarket. The laws that have been set affect the packaging and labeling of the products. This is so because the products are perishable and they are consumed by very many people thus a small mistake in packaging and labeling can lead to numerous deaths which are against the objectives of the government; to protect the general public. It is right for the goods to be packaged well to avoid contamination and moreover, the labeling will al low the consumer to know the expiring date of a product, the ingredients of a product and if it is a counterfeit good or an original good. The laws have made the production costs to increase thus the price of the products have to increase. It has posed a great challenge to Tesco as it had to increase the retail prices thus threatened consumers to look for other options. Moreover, the banking sector of Tesco has been able to deal with the strict government laws made to protect the general public from being exploited by the banks. Royal Bank of Scotland had a joint venture with the Tesco Personal Finance system thus it has enabled the Tesco company to deal with the strict banking laws as they have a half-half share. The share in costs makes Tesco to half the burden thus enable it to make more profit and to be stable. This has seen the company making a profit of â‚ ¤130 million in February 2007. By making such profits, the Tesco Company is expected to have bought the Royal Bank of S cotland (Nash, 2006, pp. 23-56).

The 60s and American Society Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

The 60s and American Society - Research Paper Example As the current Vice President to outgoing President Dwight Eisenhower, Nixon would have gained some sense of what the job would entail and would wish to have the office for him, so that he would be able to enact his own vision for the American people moving forward. As the young Senator from Massachusetts and a member of one of the more prominent families in the United States at the time, John Kennedy would ultimately be guided by a desire for public service and a quest to help the average American. This would prove to be a crucial election for many reasons, some yet to be seen at this point in time. The ultimate outcome would see Kennedy overcome the opposition from Richard Nixon and be able to move on to the White House in January 1961. Each political party would profess views for the betterment of the American public and the national ideals, with each differing in points and desired execution. With regard to the Republican Party, "Through the 1960s the emergent conservative wing, first witnessed in Barry Goldwater's 1964 candidacy, began to push out liberal Republicans," ("Profile", p.1). A political group that would, in many ways, wish to define themselves as a party that sought to protect conservative values and ideals. Thus, the Republicans would ultimately find themselves becoming a political party that would wish for such things as lower taxes and higher national defense. With regard to the Democrats, "In the 1960s, President John F. Kennedy challenged an optimistic nation to build on its great history. Kennedy proclaimed a New Frontier and dared Americans to put a man on the moon, created the Peace Corps, and negotiated a treaty banning atmospheric testing of nuclear weapons," ("The Democratic", p.1). Both p olitical parties, through their public assertions and general action taken, would claim to be the party of the average citizen. With every Presidency, events transpire that can not only shape the public itself but also, influence the trajectory of the President's administration. Impact the very decisions made by the chief executive, as they wish to serve the public for whom they were elected by, in such a manner that stays within the realm of the power of their office. For John Kennedy, two of the key events that would occur during the period of his administration, would be the Bay of Pigs in 1961 and the Cuban Missile Crisis in October 1962. Events that would involve the island of Cuba but despite that, would bring about differing circumstances that would force the young President to act and to act quickly, so that the world would be safe from eminent danger. With its entrance early on in Kennedy's presidency, the Bay of Pigs would be one of many attempts made by the intelligence community, as they sought to invade the island of Cuba and ideally, remove the dictator in power. Subsequent events that would transpire, would ultimately lead to the declaration of the invasion being seen as a failure and as such, something that would be seen as a humiliation for the President. In the aftermath of the invasion, Kennedy would take what he learned and utilize it in future circumstances, such as the Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962 that would find the American people pitted again the Soviet Union, with the island of Cuba being in the middle of this scenario. With the missile

Quality of Life Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Quality of Life - Assignment Example Diabetes commonly referred to as a diabetes mellitus is a group of biological metabolic diseases associated with blood pressure, frequent urination, increased hunger and increased thirst. If not checked and managed early, can lead to many other complications such as cardiovascular disease, kidney failure, stroke among others. The inability of insulin hormone to function normally has adverse effects on the metabolism protein, carbohydrate and fat. This is because insulin encourages storage of protein and fat thus considered an anabolic hormone. A relative insulin deficiency ultimately leads to weight loss, even though; there is an increase in appetite. Some untreated patients of diabetes also complain of fatigue, vomiting and nausea (Peacock, 2000). Patients with diabetes are probable to developing infections of the skin, bladder and vaginal regions. In addition, fluctuations in blood glucose levels can lead to blurred vision. Extremely elevated sugar level can lead to lethargy and coma. Potentially reversible diabetes conditions are such as pre-diabetes — when ones blood sugar levels are higher above normal, but not high enough to be considered as diabetes. The body does not produce insulin hormone. Some people could refer to this type as insulin-dependent condition of diabetes or juvenile diabetes. Individuals normally develop type 1 diabetes just before their 40th year, often in early adulthood or youthful years. There are two known kinds of diabetes type 1 and type 2. Type 1diabetes is nowhere closer as common as type 2 diabetes. About 10% of all diabetes cases are type 1. However, Type 2 starts with insulin resistance; normally cells fail to respond to insulin well. As the condition progresses, deficiency of insulin may also develop. The diabetes complications are biologically related to blood vessel conditions and are normally classified into small vessel conditions or diseases, such as those connecting

Marketing evaluate of online gambling in Indonesia Essay Example for Free

Marketing evaluate of online gambling in Indonesia Essay Introduction Developing our company business of online gambling enter to new market –Indonesia due to more and more competitors share market of China now, otherwise, the Chinese government crackdown illegal online gambling website from end of 2009 to now, so we must be to reduce the business risk and look for other potential new market to do the business and make sure company business stable development. The article will be introduce gambling, online gambling history, business environment and relation of market analysis of China, also guide to know currently status of online gambling and trend in China market. For new Southeast Asia market, why need to go to Indonesia and isn’t others country, its every important question for us to know. We will be chose two markets of Southeast Asia countries as Thailand and Malaysia making comparisons with the new market as Indonesia. Before comparisons, also we should be known about Thailand, Malaysia market, how about those country business environment, and online market analysis. According with result from comparisons, we will get the answer in below review about why choose Indonesia to do business of online gambling, and SWOT analysis about doing business in Indonesia. After that, also have formulate market strategic about what’s the best way to go to do business, and how to developing business in Indonesia as market resource, campaign, and local agent of online gambling etc. After Analysis Indonesia market and compare with other Southeast Asia country, we also need to know how to enter Indonesia market of doing business and develop the business Statement of the problem What is the market value of Indonesia for doing business of online gambling? Indonesia is the third largest populated country in Asia after China and India, have enough resource in internet circumstance, economy and marketing resource to do business. Otherwise, Indonesia is the worlds most populous Muslim country, with about 90% of its 237 million citizens practicing Islam, Under Islam, gambling of all kinds is strictly prohibited, but gambling often continues as an important part of life of some Muslims. Revenue is major value for a firm; Indonesia lost around $320Million by illegal in 2009, its more than others Southeast Asia. Follow the economy growth, Indonesia is Southeast Asia’s largest economy and has delivered consistently high annual growth exceeding 6% in both 2007 and 2008. Growth of between 2% and 4. 5% is expected in 2009. The market will generate more and more revenue in the future. What are the aspects of value analysis for new market? For the paper will do the analysis of Existing market as China, Malaysia and Thailand about environment analysis, market analysis, and currently status, after analysis different between Thailand, Malaysia, and Indonesia, we got know value of Indonesia market. Others, to develop business in the new market, we also need to do competitors analysis, customer analysis and 4p analysis to know our company advantage and disadvantage. Existing market analysis China market- Environment analysis According to the latest figures from CNNIC, the number of Internet users in China rose to 420 million at the end of June, 2010, an increase of almost 36 million users in the first six months of year 2010 and including 115. 1 million users in the rural areas. The current Internet penetration rate in China is 31. 6% acording to Internet World Stats statistics. YEAR| Users| Population| % Pen. | Usage Source| 2000| 22,500,000| 1,288,307,100| 1. 7 %| ITU| 2001| 33,700,000| 1,288,307,100| 2. 6 %| ITU| 2002| 59,100,000| 1,288,307,100| 4. 6 %| ITU| 2003| 69,000,000| 1,288,307,100| 5. 4 %| CNNIC| 2004| 94,000,000| 1,288,307,100| 7. 3 %| CNNIC| 2005| 103,000,000| 1,289,664,808| 7. 9 %| CNNIC| 2006| 137,000,000| 1,317,431,495| 10. 4 %| CNNIC| 2007| 162,000,000| 1,317,431,495| 12. 3 %| CNNIC| 2008| 253,000,000| 1,330,044,605| 19. 0 %| CNNIC| 2009| 384,000,000| 1,338,612,968| 28. 7 %| CNNIC| 2010| 420,000,000| 1,330,141,295| 31. 6 %| CNNIC|. Mature netizens take a larger percentage in the age structure of the Chinese Internet users than before, and those above the age of 30 accounts for 41% of the total. At the same time, the educational background and income level of the Chinese netizens has lowered. The time period spent in the use of the Internet by Chinese netizens continues to increase and reached an average of 19. 8 hours per week per user. China Market analysis According to China Internet Market 2009 Q2 Report, the market size of China Internet in Q2 2009 is 16. 76 billion Yuan, having increased 17% compared to last quarter with a 22. 2% increase compared to Q2 in 2008. Also China is the worlds biggest online gaming market. According to the director of the Chinese development firm, Sino, Richard Li, the Chinese gambling market turns over $100 billion, 95 percent illegally. Just like Western countries, China needs to fund social services for its aged population, so pragmatism, rather than intolerance for bourgeouis entertainment, is triumphing. Current status and trends of online gambling in China After Germany world cup, more and more online gambling companies enter to China. In end of 2006, just have around 20 companies in China market, until 2010, have more than 100 companies, the competitor increase fourfold. The market share reduces compare with before. Otherwise, we know the only forms of legal gambling in the People’s Republic of China (PRC) are the two government lotteries: the Welfare Lottery and the Sports Lottery. These are is very popular in China. From end of 2009 to now, the Chinese government strengthen promote Chinese lotteries, and crackdown illegal online gambling website and closed around 300 website. Lead Chinas lottery market has generated RMB69. 4 billion in profits around in 2010 alone. Even so, the revenues generated by illegal gambling operations in mainland PRC are estimated to be 10-20 times larger than the combined revenues from both legal lotteries Trends of Online gambling in China These indicators tend to imply that gambling is socially acceptable in China, and that Chinas enforcement policy extends only to unsanctioned casino operators, not to the citizens actually playing. Recently there have been signs that change is imminent, and that we may soon see the birth of Chinese legislation that governs online casinos in China. Ultimately the reasons come down to money. The last decade has seen an unprecedented level of economic development in China, such that there are now far more wealthy Chinese than ever before and these people are clearly gambling, whether they have to travel to Macau or beyond. Regulating the industry would allow the Chinese government to keep a larger portion of that growth capital inside China through licensing fees and through taxation. In the meantime, however, Chinese gambling fans continue to break the law whenever they visit an online casino. Malaysia Market Environment analysis. In Malaysia, it may come as a surprise to many that the Malaysia has one of the highest internet penetrations in the world, with 65. 7% of its population going online. It is fast catching up with America, which has over 74% of its population online. There are 16 million internet users in Malaysia. YEAR| Users| Population| % Pen. | Usage Source| 2000| 3,700,000| 24,645,600| 15. 0 %| ITU| 2005| 10,040,000| 26,500,699| 37. 9 %| C. I. Almanac| 2006| 11,016,000| 28,294,120| 38. 9 %| ITU| 2007| 13,528,200| 28,294,120| 47. 8 %| MCMC| 2008| 15,868,000| 25,274,133| 62. 8 %| MCMC|. 2009| 16,902,600| 25,715,819| 65. 7 %| ITU| 2010| 16,902,600| 26,160,256| 64. 6 %| ITU| Malaysia Economic Analysis The country’s rich natural resources ensure sound developments in agriculture, forestry and mining. Economic growth is also attributed to its border with the Strait of Malacca which is an important international shipping crossroad, which promotes the country’s international trade. Malaysia’s well developed manufacturing sector produces a diverse range of goods. The first three quarters of 2009, however, witnessed steep decline in the country’s economic growth. Volume of exports reduced drastically due to reduced consumer goods demand globally. The situation, however, improved somewhat in the Q4FY09. The Tenth Malaysia Plan is all set to be introduced in June 2010. Malaysia Market analysis As for casino gambling in Malaysia, there are very few options. The country has only one legal casino, and though it is large and very complete, it is the only place where Malaysians can legally play table games and card games in the country. This has lead to a problem with underground gambling dens and sports betting shops that the Malaysian government is currently working to solve. Before July 2009, online gambling is legal, and most of online gambling company get the operate license in Malaysia. After the 6 July 2009, The Malaysia government cancelled the entire license and does not offer licenses to open internet gambling sites. And also takes some measures to ensure that Malaysian players do not use foreign internet gambling sites. Also, Malaysian banks are not supposed to authorize transfers to or from online gambling websites. This rule is very loosely followed, however, and there is still a number of banking methods open to Malaysian players who want to gamble online. In fact, some of the bigger online gambling websites that are hosted in other countries even offer their services in Malay, letting players make the best of their internet gambling experience. Current status of online gambling in Malaysia Malaysian gambling laws forbid all forms of sports betting except for horse racing, and online gambling in all forms is equally prohibited. But online gambling sites in Malaysia has proven been most popular in the Sarawak region, where visitors are 48 more likely to visit. Sarawak stands out from other Barisan Nasional and even other Malaysian states in that the regional government disapproves the federal government’s moves to legalize online gambling. And most of gamblers go to there for online gambling. Thailand Market Environment analysis The population of Thailand is now 66. 4 million, about 10 million of whom live in the capital city of Bangkok. Thais form the majority, though the area has historically been a migratory crossroads, and thus strains of Mon, Khmer, Burmese, Lao, Malay, Indian and most strongly, Chinese stock produce a degree of ethnic diversity. Integration is such, however, that culturally and socially there is enormous unity. YEAR| Users| Population| % Pen. | GDP p. c. *| Usage Source| 2000| 2,300,000| 61,528,000| 3,7%| US$ N/A| ITU| 2007| 8,465,800| 67,249,456| 12. 6%| US$ 3,759| ITU| 2009| 16,100,000| 65,998,436| 24. 4%| US$ 3,940| ITU| 2010| 17,486,400| 66,404,688| 26. 3%| US$ 4,403| ITU| According to estimates of United Nations Population Information Network, the population of Thailand would be about 74 million in the year 2050. Until 2010s, total have 17. 4million internet user have 26. 3% population used Thailand Market analysis The primary form of legal gambling in Thailand is the national lottery. It was started in 2003, mostly because a large underground lottery system was already operating and the government felt the best way to drive it out was to create an officially sanctioned lottery system. But even the legal lottery is not immune from illegal activities in 2006 the prime minister and other government officials were accused of skimming more than $1 billion from state lottery revenues. Online gambling in Thailand is also forbidden. The Thai government does not provide licenses that would allow internet gambling websites to be hosted in Thailand. In fact, they have never even considered allowing for online gambling in Thailand since land-based gambling is mostly forbidden. In spite of the ban on internet gambling the Thai government does very little to prevent players from using foreign online gambling sites. These websites are hosted in different countries, places where the Thai government has no jurisdiction. This means there is little they can do to prevent players in Thailand from using them. There are many online gambling sites that accept Thai players, though few are available in Thai. Current status of online gambling in Thailand Online gambling continues to permeate all countries and cultures, despite governments persistent efforts to outlaw the practice. Thailand is the latest country to find increasing numbers of citizens wagering online. If individuals running illegal sites are identified, the Thai Anti-Money Laundering Office will freeze any assets and arrest and prosecute those deemed culpable. Gambling in Thailand is highly illegal, but base on DSI data reveals at least 10,000 subscribers to suspected gambling sites. Soccer wagering has become an increasingly popular form of play, particularly among younger gamblers. The appeal of gambling online continues to grow worldwide, and the most logical reaction of government is to tax the hobby and enjoy a steady new revenue source, rather than waste funds fighting a battle that is unwinnable. Indonesia Market Environment analysis Indonesia is the third largest populated country in Asia after China and India. also is Southeast Asia’s largest economy and has delivered consistently high annual growth exceeding 6% in both 2007 and 2008. Growth of between 2% and 4. 5% is expected in 2009. The consumer market continues to grow in the world’s fourth-largest country. There are more than 237 million citizens, 50% of whom are under the age of 30. GDP per person exceeds its ASEAN neighbors such the Philippines and Indonesia has a GDP per person three times that of Vietnam. Indonesia is a thriving democracy with significant regional autonomy Indonesia is a market-based economy but the government plays a significant role in the countrys economy with 160 government-owned enterprises. Indonesias GDP per capita ranks fifth after Singapore, Brunei, Malaysia and Thailand. Indonesias GDP was US$258. 3 billion with a GDP per capita of US$1,193 in 2004. Indonesias real GDP grew at an average of 4. 6% annually from 2000 to 2004 driven by domestic consumption accounting for nearly three-quarters of Indonesias GDP Current status of online gambling in Indonesia According to Indonesian gambling laws all forms of gambling are illegal and prohibited. Indonesia is the world’s most populous Muslim country and about 90% of its 237 million inhabitants ardently practice Islam. Gambling of all kinds is strictly prohibited by Islam. According to statistics, however, there are 23. 7 million residents who don’t practice Islam and many of them have found ways to gamble. Illegal gambling is prevalent throughout Indonesia. Dense population and police corruption have allowed illegal casinos to operate without regards to the Islamic ban on gambling. That’s the reason for many of the online gambling company go in to Indonesia market. In additional this country is a biggest country compare with other Southeast Asia country. Compare analysis with other Southeast Asia country. Population Indonesia is the third largest populated country in Asia after China and India. Also is Southeast Asia’s largest economy and has delivered consistently high annual growth exceeding 6% in both 2007 and 2008. Growth of between 2% and 4. 5% is expected in 2009. The consumer market continues to grow in the world’s fourth-largest country. Indonesia is a market-based economy but the government plays a significant role in the countrys economy with 160 government-owned enterprises. Indonesias GDP per capita ranks fifth after Singapore, Brunei, Malaysia and Thailand. Internet user. With 30 million Internet users as of the end of 2009, Indonesia is the 5th largest Internet market in Asia (after China, Japan, India, and South Korea). The number of Internet users in Indonesia is growing really fast (the highest growth among Asia countries after China), especially the number of users who use their mobile phone to access the Internet. In five years, about more than half of the Indonesian population or 150 million people are projected to have access to the Internet (most of them through their mobile phone). Compared to the population (not Internet users) of Singapore (4.8 million), Malaysia (27 million), South Korea (48. 6 million). Thailand (67 million), Vietnam (86 million), and Philippine (90 million), it is clear that the number of Internet users in Indonesia will be significantly higher than the number of Internet users in those countries. Usage of Internet Internet users in Indonesia spend about 17. 2 hours online per month According to a survey conducted by Nielsen Indonesia, most Indonesians use the Internet for checking email (42%), reading newspaper (39%), searching for information about products or services (29%), reading magazines (27%), and chatting (23%). A study by comScore shows only 50% of Indonesian Internet users do online shopping and they spend only 1% on their online time for shopping. Clearly, online shopping is still not the main reason for Indonesians to go online. While Indonesians are still cautious in using the Internet for shopping, there are very enthusiastic to online social networking. 28 million Indonesians have account(s) with Facebook, making them the 3rd largest Facebook users in the world. As of June 2010, Indonesians also produced the 3rd highest number of tweets in the world. It is not surprising at all that 87% of Indonesians does social networking and they spend 32. 6% of their online time or 5. 8 hours per month in websites such as Facebook and Twitter Most Internet users (84. 2%) in Indonesia use Search to find information they are looking for. The average number of Searches per user is 91. 4. 80% of Indonesian Internet users uses Google to do their Search. Above data is higher than others Southeast Asia country. Considering its high economic and Internet user growths, Indonesia has a great potential for Internet business. However, it would not be easy to win in this industry due to online gambling is specially industry in Indonesia. External analysis- Conclusion Considering its high economic and Internet user growths, Indonesia has a greater potential for Internet business compare others Southeast Asia. Moreover, the Internet business there is still in a very early stage with a limited number of local players and products/services offered. However, it would not be easy to win in this industry. Unsophisticated payment infrastructure and conventional mind-set of its people will become the biggest challenges for entrepreneurs and investors who want to explore Indonesia’s untapped potential in Internet business. The general message is that entrepreneurs and investors with long time horizons should look at Internet business in Indonesia as an alternative worth considering depending on the nature of the investment and the risk tolerance of the entrepreneur or investor. Internal analysis-Customer Behavior analysis Common Casino games of Indonesian Members play. * Baccarat * Blackjack * Sic Bo Current Indonesia Members’ Behavior Following table is current Indonesia members’ behavior of deposit and wager, the data is base on my current company data. Indonesia Business Performance Annual stake generated: â‚ ¬ 14. 3 Million and revenue generated â‚ ¬ 657, 000(third higher than others Southeast Asia) Competitor analysis-4P analysis For now total have 4 major competitors doing business in Indonesia market Analysis above the data, doing online gambling business in Indonesia, should offer more competiveness product and promotion to attract new customer due to the current Indonesia member generated revenue is higher than existing market, additional the External analysis, new market as Indonesia has a greater potential for Internet business. References * Rocky Fu (August 2009)China Internet Market Size in Q2 2009 * Internetworldstats(July 2010) China ecommerce and Internet Market Report * casinolistings(2009)The future of gambling in China * Casino King David Information as thing, Gambling History in China * Gamingzion (2007) Information as thing. Gambling in China * Economy watch(2010) Malaysia Economy * Tom B. (2010) Information as thing. Chinese Law Enforcement Rounding Up Illegal Online Gambling Operators * Michael F. (2010) Information as thing. Journal of the China Arrests 3,430 with Online Gambling Ties * Asiaplace (2009) Information as thing. Malaysia Cracks Down on Internet Gambling * KEN NG, Klang(2009) Information as thing, Legalise online gambling * Cyrildason(2010) Information as thing, Sports Betting in Malaysia * Brian M. (2010)Online Gambling in Malaysia Most Popular in Sarawak * TomWeston (2008)Online Gambling Grows in Popularity in Thailand * CoolFounders (2010) A broader look at Indonesia startups and internet Business prospects * MR. SUNDERASAN(Oct 2009) PESTEL analysis of Indonesia * Water stone (2010) Indonesia online 2010.